THU Thu Htike

Education Disruptions in Conflict Zones: Impact on Internally Displaced Children: Challenges and Solutions

Introduction

The Commission on Human Rights adopted the guiding principle (1998) of Internally Displaced People (IDP) as - "A person or groups of persons who escape or leave their homes or places of residence to avoid the consequence of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights or natural or man-made disasters, and who have not crossed an internally recognized State border" (Deng, n.d.). Internal displacement is a controversial topic caused by conflicts, instability, breaches of human rights, natural catastrophes, and climate change (cited in Nemine & Zalakro, 2019).

According to a UNHCR study, the military coup in Myanmar in October 2023 resulted in the displacement of about 197 500 people and significantly impacted schooling at all levels. In protracted conflict settings, the vital role of humanitarian aid in providing education underscores the risk of enduringly adverse consequences for the prospects of school-aged children. Prolonged conflicts with inadequate access to education can have a lasting, detrimental impact on these children's future outcomes. The effect of that insufficient education can have a significant negative impact on the characteristics of the post-conflict society (UNICEF, 2018).

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Fundamental Human Rights (UDFHR), the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees (CSR), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 (CRC) all agreed that all children, regardless of their situation, had the right to free and compulsory education as well as an emergency education (Olaitan, 2016). Following Principle 23's guarantee of equal and complete participation for women, IDPs have a right to free and obligatory elementary education. One of the rights to education of all pupils and also similar to human rights, Principle 23 also specifies that education and training programs should be made available to IDPs. (Deng,1999).

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted globally emphasize ensuring that education is accessible, equitable, and high-quality. More precisely, SDG goal 4.1 sets forth a mandate for nations to grant every child, regardless of gender, the opportunity to receive primary and secondary education, ultimately resulting in substantial and meaningful educational achievements by 2030 (UNESCO, 2017). The National Authorities are responsible for assisting and safeguarding IDP children and youth, as well as their rights to education, security in the classroom, and post-conflict life, per the Guiding Principles for Internal Displacement (1998).

This guiding principle also takes into account a variety of practical purposes for realizing the educational objectives of pupils in IDP camps. Additionally, following principle 23 (2), education should respect children's culture and identity, language, and religion following the CRC clauses: articles 28 (consistent with and in compliance with the child's human dignity) and 29 (respect for the child's parents, culture and identity, language, and values). Education should strongly emphasize fostering tolerance and respect for individuals of all sexual orientations, ethnicities, and religions, as well as those of indigenous origin. Articles 24 (1) of Geneva Convention IV and 27 (2) of Protocol I convey similar views on the need for education for children who have been internally displaced (Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989).

The quality of education has been adversely affected by military rule in Myanmar dating back to 1962. During this period, the regime enforced a centralized education system, resulting in limited access to education and a high dropout rate, primarily due to a prolonged neglect of compulsory primary education. Inclusive education was notably absent, leading to challenges for marginalized groups, including children with disabilities, those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, children residing in conflict-prone regions, and linguistic minorities in their pursuit of education. The education system has rigidly adhered to a uniform curriculum and standardized textbooks, a practice that persists. Additionally, the curriculum needs to prioritize the development of practical skills relevant to the workforce and social engagement. Indigenous languages and local cultural knowledge have been excluded from the educational framework, aligning with the regime's language policy, which prioritizes the Burman culture to the detriment of the languages and traditions of other indigenous communities, essentially pursuing assimilation under the banner of national unity (Lwin, 2007). The system does not meet human rights obligations regarding the right to education.

Regarding accessibility, extra tuition and other hidden education costs restrict impoverished families from enrolling their children in schools. In addition, there needs to be more competent teachers and suitable infrastructure. Children from disadvantaged backgrounds, such as those with disabilities and those living in war areas, cannot access the educational system. Children from ethnic minorities find the material in school textbooks insensitive to their culture. Education cannot adapt to the changing demands of society, especially the skills required for the workplace (Lwin, 2007). The most pressing issue is ensuring that every student has equal access to education. The lives of displaced children and teens are affected in various ways, both immediately and over time. Individuals internally displaced are likely to experience significant socioeconomic issues in the neighborhood. Individuals fleeing war zones are likely to be the direct victims of the conflict, such as victims of rape or sexual assault or those who have been threatened with death. These experiences can cause psychological trauma. These psychological wounds can impact society, people's futures, and how they reconstruct their lives (World Bank, 2016).

The attainment of meaningful learning is a crucial aspect of development, and one's deficiency in the requisite knowledge and skills essential for effective participation in society contributes to the definition of poverty (Lewin, 2015). Educational systems typically aim to offer each student an "opportunity to learn," ultimately enhancing well-being and economic prospects. Enhancing the quality of student learning and mitigating the potential impacts of factors contributing to inequality represent a primary focus for policy intervention. The ability to oversee school quality, educational processes, and outcomes, alongside allocating educational resources and governance, remains at the core of educational planning and management in developing nations (Lewin, 2015). However, existing policy interventions have often concentrated on addressing supply-side factors, such as the shortage of qualified teachers and textbooks, which are comparatively straightforward to plan and implement. However, the effectiveness of these policies substantially relies on how they are complemented by addressing the evolving characteristics of demand-side inequality factors. Demand-side factors, including individual and household attributes of students, such as poverty and child labor, wield considerable influence in moderating the value of education and the effectiveness of supply-oriented educational policy planning interventions. As the scale of these inequality factors varies both geographically and within individual communities, the policy response may need to adapt accordingly.

Consequently, monitoring learning outcomes as influenced by spatially distinct inequality factors can assist in pinpointing where and how specific policy interventions can best yield optimal results. Hence, in alignment with Lwin's (2015) perspective, sustaining access to meaningful learning is a critical driver for long-term advancements in productivity, the reduction of intergenerational poverty, the empowerment of women, and overall reductions in societal inequality. Should the system fail to ensure equity in the quality of education, particularly at the secondary level where exclusion is most prevalent, there exists a risk of perpetuating inequality and impeding progress toward achieving sustainable development goals, as highlighted in the "Mapping Inequality" context. Given that these factors often interconnect and contribute to multiple deprivations among students, a comprehensive policy response may be imperative to augment the value of education and improve learning outcomes, especially for students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds (Lwin, 2015).

Methodology

This paper draws on the political context of Myanmar and access to education of students in Internally Displaced People (IDP) Camps. The paper used a desk study review methodology where relevant empirical literature was reviewed. It involved a review of studies on accessing formal education for students in IDP Camps by identifying all articles based on the equal and inclusive education of students in IDP Camps using data from multiple sources. Typically, the paper's title, abstract, and keywords were searched on articles that dealt with students' access to education in these IDP Camps, narrowing the literature between 2017 and 2023. These articles were divided into top keywords (Access to Education, IDP Camps, students, formal education, inclusive Education, Myanmar). The study adopted a descriptive research design. The sample size was obtained using purposive and snowball sampling techniques.

Myanmar's legal framework relating to children

Since the military coup on February 1, 2021, the junta's activities have violated several international agreements to which Myanmar is a party. As part of the military's extensive and organized assault on the people of Myanmar, such violations against children were probably crimes against humanity. The 2019 Child Rights Law is one of many domestic laws in Myanmar that protect children that the regime has broken. Less than a year after the Convention on the Rights of the Child came into effect, Myanmar joined it. A key international human rights convention, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, secures state parties to defend children's civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. The Convention requires states parties to respect, uphold, and implement children's rights to life, security of person, nationality, instruction, health care, food, shelter, and a minimal standard of living, as well as their freedom of movement, expression, information, assembly, and association, among other rights. State parties must prevent child exploitation and abuse and prohibit abduction and torture (UN et al., 2022).

International criminal law may consider child abuse a war crime if it violates international humanitarian law. Similarly, under international criminal law, specific child rights violations that occur during a widespread or organized attack on a civilian population are considered crimes against humanity. The 2019 Child Rights Law, which superseded the 1993 Child Law, was adopted by Myanmar's parliament (UN et al., 2022).

The Child Rights Law improved on its predecessor by giving children more significant safeguards. According to the new law, a child is anybody under 18 years old, per the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Military and junta officials have routinely disregarded child legal protections, including those provided by the Child Rights Law, since the coup. The Child Rights Law also protects children affected by armed conflict, attacks on schools and hospitals, and obstruction of humanitarian aid (UN et al., 2022).

Military Coups in Myanmar

Myanmar has had four military takeovers since its independence in 1948: in 1958, 1962, 1988, and 2021. The political instability that Myanmar has been experiencing over the past few years has had a significant influence on the country's educational system. Because many citizens fled the settlements throughout the 60-year civil war, the number of internally displaced people (IDP) is rapidly rising. Several individuals engaged in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) after the military coup of February 2021 and refused to hand over control of the educational system to the military government. Armed ethnic groups, tens of thousands of teachers around the nation taking part in CDM, and young people from various academic specialties work to open schools for local children who are refusing to attend classes under the military administration. Education is an essential aspect of how they will live after the revolution. Therefore, children must be given their absolute fundamental right to an education. They are all entitled to high-quality education, which may be a unique, lifelong process. These students can play critical roles in post-revolutionary nation-building and rehabilitation if they receive a high-quality education. (Lwin, 2019).

Impact on Education by Military Coup

The military takeover has severely harmed the right of children to education. After the shutdown of schools in 2020 and 2021 due to the COVID-19 epidemic, many children were stopped from returning to school because of the disorder and violence caused by the coup. As they have not received formal education for the past two years, thousands of children have little prospect of returning to school. The Ministry of Education removed more than 125,000 primary education teachers nationwide in May 2021 due to their involvement in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).

As a result of their involvement in protests, the Civil Disobedience Movement, or other forms of opposition to the junta, hundreds of teachers are now held as political prisoners and accused of major crimes. Also, a significant barrier to keeping children out of the classroom has been safety concerns. Safety concerns are the primary justification given by parents for not enrolling their children in school, according to those working in the education system (UN et al., 2022).

The Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) documented over 450 incidents of state armed forces using schools, universities, and educational facilities for military purposes in Myanmar in 2020 and 2021, the majority of which took place after the military coup on February 1, 2021. According to GCPEA data, reported attacks on schools rose from around 10 in 2020 to over 190 in 2021. Moreover, endangering the safety and security of education, Myanmar's military often used schools and colleges. Armed forces and organizations frequently harm schools or universities while using them as a base or for other military objectives (GCPEA,2022).

Myanmar's students, parents, and educators are now facing a hostile educational environment due to the widespread targeted attacks on and military use of schools, universities, and educational infrastructure. As a result, it has become more difficult for them to make safe decisions for their learning, children, and jobs. Concern must be expressed over the immediate and long-term effects of this severe disruption of learning and its broader implications for instruction and learning in all levels of education, from pre-kindergarten to higher education (GCPEA, 2022).

Facing massive challenges, it has little hope of ensuring access to "inclusive and equitable quality education and promoting lifelong learning opportunities for all" under the current political situation in Myanmar.

The Effect of Conflicts on Access to Education of Students in Challenging Areas and Possible Solutions

Several obstacles stand in the way of internally displaced pupils' access to education. They face restrictions on security, discrimination, and limited infrastructure and resources. According to the UNHCR study, the accessibility and opportunity of schooling vary amongst IDP camps based on the ease of entry for humanitarian aid. Some regions still await educational infrastructure, while others rely on limited humanitarian access. Many learning opportunities are lost due to a lack of infrastructure, capacity, and resources, including sufficiently prepared instructors and curricula designed to meet the requirements of displaced children. In displacement scenarios, teacher shortages are typical, and guaranteeing their supply, retention, and motivation requires fair and consistent pay (UNESCO, 2019).

The conflict's violence has impacted children's ability to receive an adequate education, and several other shocks related to the conflict, such as the suspension of teacher salary payments, the inability to purchase instructional materials, and the significant rise in the percentage of financial struggling households (OCHA, 2020).

Junior secondary school students internally displaced in Maiduguri's IDP camps confront issues with their education, health, and necessities. The issues relocated junior secondary school students faced varied significantly by gender (Bukar, 2021). According to Qayumi's 2020 study on "Education Need to Internal Displacement Children," Afghanistan's parents and children are less educated than they should be due to 40 years of conflict. Education was not seen as one of the population's top needs, particularly for those uprooted from their homes for security reasons and now living in or close to Afghanistan's major cities in inhumane conditions (Qayumi, 2020). The survey by Qayumi found that Afghan children who were internally displaced had the following educational needs: According to an assessment poll, most kids need to get more comfortable with technology but are eager to learn from it. It is established that Afghan youngsters who have been internally displaced are eager to attend school. Supporting these kids is crucial to closing the school gap and avoiding the societal repercussions that will result from it (Qayumi, 2020). Children who are not in school are deprived of opportunities for educational growth and other essential advantages. According to Bukar 2021's report, Issues of Internally Displaced Junior Secondary School Students in Internally DP Camps, Maiduguri Metropolis, female students have higher psychological issues than male students. The Counselling Association of Nigeria (CASSON).

The survey by Qayumi found that Afghan children who were internally displaced had the following educational needs: According to an assessment poll, most kids need to get more comfortable with technology but are eager to learn from it. It is established that Afghan youngsters who have been internally displaced are eager to attend school. Supporting these kids is crucial to closing the school gap and avoiding the societal repercussions that will result from it (Qayumi, 2020).

Children's educational paths are disrupted by displacement, and they require assistance to return to formal education. In this regard, offering access in the form of school enrollments is only the starting point of inclusion. During their displacement, many IDPs lose their documents or have them taken; without these, displaced children would not be able to enroll in school. It may be challenging to get new documents, and it may even be risky for individuals who must travel back to their origin as part of the process, such as transcripts and diplomas, which can prohibit relocated students from signing up for state examinations. IDPs from minority groups appear to experience discrimination in this sense. Schools must also adjust to the demands of their new students. Since those minorities and indigenous communities are disproportionately impacted by relocation (UNESCO, 2019). Children severely traumatized by armed conflict have trouble integrating with other displaced people in the camps and outsiders and may show signs of psychiatric instability. Children who are denied an education at the most crucial time in their development run the risk of developing into risks to society as they mature without receiving the formal education they need to contribute positively to their community (Maigari, 2022).

In the context of Timor-Leste, a study by Justino et al. (2013) reveals that the impact of conflict on the school attendance of internally displaced girls, though initially hostile, did not have a lasting effect on their completion of primary school. Girls exposed to violence were likelier to complete primary school than those who had not experienced such exposure. This favorable outcome was primarily attributed to the swift reconstruction of the education system in areas affected by violence, a reconstruction effort supported by the international community and the government. Furthermore, this endeavor was characterized by a gender-specific focus on improving educational outcomes for girls. Conversely, the influence of violence on boys' educational outcomes persisted over time, likely due to their tendency to work for longer hours in the years following the conflict.

Bridging the Gap: Inclusive Education Systems and Possible Solutions for Students in Refugees and IDP Camps

In Turkey, providing education to Syrian refugees initially involved temporary education centers parallel to the national educational system. However, in 2014, the government introduced inclusive education policies for Syrian refugees, reallocating educational resources to areas with a significant concentration of refugees. Supported by the European Commission and UNHCR, Turkey implemented remedial and accelerated learning programs, offered language support, and engaged Syrian teachers as voluntary advisors. According to Tumen (2019), approximately 320,000 Syrian children of primary school age, constituting 96 percent of the refugee children, have been successfully enrolled in schools in Turkey. This enrollment rate surpasses both the current primary school enrollment rates in Turkey and the pre-war enrollment rates in Syria.

Additionally, as demonstrated in Timor-Leste, inclusive education policies and rapid reconstruction efforts in conflict-affected areas can serve as a model for supporting the education of internally displaced, where the impact of conflict on school attendance and completion can differ between genders, highlighting the importance of addressing these disparities. Ensuring access to quality education is vital for their long-term well-being and the stability of their communities. Similarly, adapting inclusive policies and mobilizing resources, as seen in Turkey's response to Syrian refugees, may offer valuable insights for addressing the education needs of internally displaced populations, emphasizing the importance of providing language support, remedial programs, and adequate teacher support to promote educational attainment among IDP children.

Increasingly, national inclusive education systems are acknowledged as a sustainable, long-term solution to refugees' educational challenges. Dryden-Peterson (2019) outlines the compelling factors contributing to this recognition, including the protracted nature of conflict and displacement, the imperative emphasis on providing access to quality education, the coexistence of refugees within urban areas alongside host nationals, the role of education in fostering social cohesion, and the recurring deficits and unpredictability in funding. While international policies and frameworks, such as the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the 2016 New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants, and the Global Compact for Refugees, firmly establish the legal right to education for refugees, a significant gap exists between these legal mandates and the actual provision of education on the ground. This gap is influenced by factors like the ratio of Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) children to the local population, the capacity of host nations to expand their public education systems rapidly, and the substantial variations in legal and institutional arrangements.

In parallel, accelerated learning programs (ALPs), which compress several years of education into a condensed timeframe, are particularly important for children whose schooling has been disrupted by conflict or crisis. ALPs are implemented in various countries, primarily through support from organizations like UNHCR, UNICEF, UNESCO, Save the Children, NRC, and War Child Holland. Burde et al. (2019) demonstrate that ALPs significantly positively impact Afghanistan's school enrollment and learning outcomes. Notably, they explore the integration of ALPs into national education systems by transferring the implementation to local institutions at the village level. Their findings indicate that the improvements in learning outcomes and school enrollment were marginally less effective than when delivered by international NGOs, yet notably more cost-effective. Adopting ALPs within national education systems necessitates well-coordinated support and capacity building within national, provincial, and district government authorities, which can be initiated with startup funding.

In cases where education systems are overburdened and expanding public systems to reach all IDP or refugee children would be an extensive undertaking, educational technology emerges as a potential solution to enhance the quality and effectiveness of teaching. Brown et al. (2020) reveal the substantial positive effects of a digital game-based learning program, Cannot Wait to Learn (CWTL), on mathematics and Arabic literacy competency, as well as psychosocial well-being among children in Sudan, when compared to the state-provided education program for out-of-school children. Menashy and Zakharia (2020) emphasize the role of technology interventions as a promising avenue for refugee education. Moreover, effective educational technology should be purpose-driven, align with educational objectives, contextualize content according to local curricula, ensure offline accessibility, accommodate intermittent access to electricity, and provide adequate training for national education officers and facilitators.

Literacy outcomes among refugee children exhibit variations can also be influenced by several factors, such as,

For instance, Somali refugees achieved higher literacy scores than South Sudanese refugees, which could be attributed to their varying durations of stay in Kenya and differing exposure to education in Kenya, including English. Furthermore, refugees' expectations for their future influence their early literacy development. Consequently, there is a pressing need to emphasize enhancing learning outcomes for refugee children, moving beyond mere considerations of their access to education. It requires recognizing their unique and diverse learning requirements, which may only partially be met by the national education system, and addressing the challenges of their marginalization. To better tailor policy responses and instructional strategies for students from different backgrounds, it is imperative to understand their educational backgrounds, their parents' educational histories, and the means by which they are exposed to the language of instruction. For Internally Displaced Persons (IDP), these insights underscore the importance of recognizing the diverse needs of IDP children and tailoring educational interventions to their unique circumstances, including their educational backgrounds and linguistic exposures (Piper et al.).

Providing education to Internally Displaced People (IDP) children presents a formidable challenge in many regions, mirroring the difficulties encountered by their refugee counterparts. These children often confront significant barriers when seeking access to quality education. Variations in age requirements for compulsory education, reminiscent of those observed in European countries, can hinder their ability to pursue post-compulsory education or vocational training. Although efforts are made to include IDP children in the education system within a few months of their displacement, the quality of education they receive is notably inconsistent. Resource constraints and logistical difficulties frequently contribute to this disparity. In some instances, IDP children may find themselves attending temporary education centers that follow curricula from their places of origin, posing a hindrance to their integration into the local educational system. Language barriers further compound these challenges, necessitating the implementation of welcome or integration classes. The repercussions of segregating IDP children can be severe, as it often results in their restricted access to quality education, consequently affecting their integration and prospects. Effectively addressing these issues, encompassing age requirements, access to quality education, language barriers, and curricular disparities, is crucial for ensuring IDP children's successful integration and prospects, enabling them to make meaningful contributions to their communities.

In the case of Internally Displaced Persons (IDP), it is essential to recognize their challenges in accessing quality education and tailor interventions accordingly. The issues of age requirements, educational quality, language barriers, and curricular discrepancies must be addressed comprehensively to ensure that IDP students can access and benefit from education effectively, contributing positively to their communities.

The Assessment of Learning Outcomes and Social Effects of Community-Based Education in Afghanistan (ALSE) project constitutes a comprehensive, multi-year investigation that utilizes a mixed-methods approach and randomized controlled trials to assess strategies to enhance Community-Based Education (CBE) in Afghanistan. CBE is a service delivery model designed to improve access to and quality primary education in remote or hard-to-reach areas. The ALSE project evaluates the outcomes of the Community-Based Education Enhancement Program (CBEEP), implemented by two non-governmental organizations, CARE Afghanistan and CRS Afghanistan, across 195 villages in six Afghan provinces. The initial phase of ALSE, conducted from 2014 to 2015, revealed positive impacts of CBE. It was found that CBE significantly increased the attendance of girls aged 6-11, with a notable 16-percentage point growth, from 58 percent in villages without CBE classes to 74 percent in those with such classes.

Similarly, boys in the same age group experienced an 11.7-percentage point increase in attendance, rising from 69 percent to 80 percent. Furthermore, CBE classes contributed to improved learning outcomes for children, with an increase of 0.28 standard deviations, consistent for both boys and girls. The community-led administration of CBE under the sustainability model demonstrated remarkable efficacy in promoting access to education and enhancing children's learning outcomes, surpassing expectations despite cost differentials. Notably, the sustainability model exhibited potential advantages regarding girls' education attendance, indicating its potential to be more beneficial. Providing access and learning opportunities for both genders appeared more effective for girls, although the difference did not reach statistical significance. These findings underscore the potential of CBE and its sustainability model to positively impact education access and outcomes, particularly for girls in Afghanistan. These insights can offer valuable lessons for improving education access and quality for Internally Displaced People (IDP) students facing similar educational challenges.

Support of the International Community to the Education of Students in IDP Camps

By education needs of internally displaced children in Afghanistan: A need Assessment survey, children in Afghanistan who are internally displaced have educational needs. According to an assessment study, the Afghan government does not actively offer education for these kids but funds organizations that do. The survey's findings indicate that while the Afghan government does not actively provide for these children's education, it is strongly supportive of NGOs that do. The study also reveals that this area may have more extensive and regular NGO activity. To end illiteracy among confined children and internally displaced children, the government, NGOs, and companies must work together (Shahnaz et al., 2020). According to the Quyami 2020 study, Afghan children who have been internally displaced are eager and ready to return to school, and it is crucial to help them right away to close the education gap and avoid the social repercussions that arise from it (Qayumi, 2020).

As a result of the study, Sarkinfda, 2022 noted that policies and mechanisms in place for education that guarantee displaced children's safety and access to learning opportunities would probably help them become more resilient and able to cope with trauma and adversity. The study found that the respondents' socioeconomic and educational services and the educational facilities established at the camp had stayed the same. The children of IDPs should have access to educational resources to improve their educational possibilities (Sarkinfada, 2022). To foster confidence and trust, there should be efficient coordination between the security forces, the government, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), residents, and foreigners. Education for communities that have been relocated has become less effective due to the misperception of identity politics (Shanks, 2019).

Conclusion

In any nation, implementing policies and programs to support the education of internally displaced children is not just a matter of choice but an ethical imperative. The needs of displaced children and their host communities can be met through education, a powerful tool that not only imparts knowledge but also strengthens the social fabric, fosters understanding, and cultivates unity.

Internally displaced children living in camps must have unequivocal access to the nation's educational systems. It is a matter of fundamental human rights that, as citizens or permanent residents, all schools and alternative education programs open their doors to every student without discrimination. The inclusivity of education should be non-negotiable. To ensure the successful integration of displaced children into the education system, teachers must be adequately trained to navigate multilingual classrooms and address the trauma many of these children have experienced. Specialized support should be available to displaced students who require it, including language and catch-up lessons. Informal schooling is a temporary solution at best, and the international community increasingly recognizes the importance of transitioning displaced children into formal educational systems. The Geneva Call's Declaration of Commitment for the Protection of Children from the Consequences of Armed Conflict plays a vital role, particularly regarding the safety of educational spaces.

Armed organizations should sign and diligently implement this declaration, ensuring that education is safeguarded from the impacts of conflict. Humanitarian organizations offering education to vulnerable children should be granted access by armed actors, fostering an environment where learning can thrive amidst adversity. The disruption of schooling over the past two years has taken a toll on the lives of countless children. This disruption threatens to have long-term consequences on the economy and society. It is crucial to acknowledge that children from marginalized groups and ethnic minorities have faced systemic disadvantages within the educational system. A significant barrier to their learning experience is the need for mother-tongue instruction in public schools. Addressing these issues is imperative for the overall betterment of society. Children deprived of education are more vulnerable to mental and emotional distress. This vulnerability may lead them to engage in violence to resolve interpersonal and political conflicts.

Additionally, they are more likely to face lower earning potential and increased exposure to abuse and exploitation, including child labor, early marriage, and human trafficking. These concerns, if not addressed promptly, will continue accumulating, resulting in the loss of vast human potential and compromising the future of nations. In light of these challenges and the complex interplay of factors that affect the education of internally displaced children, it is incumbent upon all stakeholders in the field of education to take these considerations seriously. The primary goal should be to uphold the dignity, capabilities, and well-being of all individuals residing within the country. It aligns with the fundamental objective of education, as articulated by UNESCO in 2015, which is to empower individuals to build a better future and contribute positively to their communities. Forced displacement presents unique educational obstacles for internally displaced individuals, refugees, and host communities. The impact of displacement on educational access and outcomes can differ among these groups, necessitating well-coordinated government and the international community responses. The most sustainable and cost-effective solution to education-related challenges arising from forced displacement is establishing inclusive national education systems that can effectively integrate forcibly displaced populations. While the road ahead may be fraught with challenges, promising opportunities exist. Civil society education groups, indigenous communities, and local organizations are actively advocating for change and seeking to provide quality education to marginalized and displaced children. The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP 2007) offers a robust framework for ensuring the rights of indigenous peoples to establish and oversee their educational systems, preserving their native languages and cultural traditions.

Moreover, as part of the Sustainable Development Goals, the global commitment to education for sustainable development provides an overarching framework to ensure inclusive, high-quality education and lifelong learning for all. As nations work toward these goals, there is hope that access to education for all, regardless of their circumstances, will be realized, contributing to a more equitable and prosperous future. In conclusion, the challenges associated with education for internally displaced children are complex, but the potential for positive change is vast. As stakeholders collaborate and commit to providing equitable, inclusive, and quality education, they pave the way for restoring hope and realizing the full potential of displaced children, creating more vital, more resilient communities and nations.

References